For years, the faces of the soldiers in Aden, in Yemen's south, have remained largely unchanged. The same is true moving into Lahj governorate, and along the west coast in Taiz, where the same members of the National Resistance Forces (NRF) have continued to hold their positions.

 

Over the past eight years, the NRF operated alongside the separatist Southern Transitional Council (STC), with the backing of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), to which they were firmly loyal. As recently as late December, they either fought in or supported an offensive against forces aligned with the Saudi-backed Presidential Leadership Council (PLC).

 

Today, however, the NRF, a well-equipped anti-Houthi force led by Tarek Saleh, a nephew of former Yemeni president Ali Abdullah Saleh, have shifted their allegiance to Saudi Arabia.

 

Fighters who remain loyal to the STC and its former UAE-backed agenda have since retreated to the STC stronghold in al-Dhale governorate and to pockets of Lahj.

 

“We work under the leadership on the ground. We used to receive guidance from Emirati forces, so our loyalty was to the UAE. Today, we receive our orders from the Saudis in Aden, so our loyalty is to them,” Ammar, a 49-year-old veteran who joined the army two decades ago, told Middle East Eye.

 

 

Ammar views the shift in loyalty as a matter of military tradition rather than political ideology.

 

“In the army, we don’t follow politics; we follow our commander. If every soldier acted only on what he personally believed, the army would descend into chaos,” he said.

 

“We were grateful to the Emirati officers, and we are happy to work with Saudi officers now. Both are working to save Yemen.”

 

Military unity

 

The situation in southern Yemen shifted dramatically last month when Saudi Arabia backed a demand by the Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) for Emirati forces to withdraw, after the STC unilaterally seized territory under its control.

 

The UAE announced its withdrawal following a Saudi air strike that targeted a weapons shipment bound for the separatists. Saudi forces then moved swiftly to replace them in PLC-controlled areas, including Aden, Lahj, Hadhramaut and the west coast, sidelining the STC.

 

Ammar said he was aware of the friction between Saudi Arabia and the UAE in Yemen, but believed it was not an issue the rank and file should concern themselves with, describing it as the “business of the leadership”.

 

“Our job is to protect the city. If the directions of our leaders serve that purpose, we should obey, regardless of nationality,” he added.

 

Soldiers who joined the army within the past decade expressed different views. Unlike veterans such as Ammar, they said political awareness was essential to avoid being drawn into the “wrong battles”.

 

In Lahj governorate, Gawed Sobaihi, 34, stands at a checkpoint. Above him, the Yemeni national flag now flies where the STC’s "independence flag" once hung during the presence of UAE forces.

 

Sobaihi said his trust in Saudi Arabia dates back to 2015, when it intervened in Yemen's civil war against the Houthi rebels.

 

“The UAE was part of the Saudi-led coalition, and we were loyal to them because they operated under Saudi leadership and at the request of the Yemeni government,” he told MEE.

 

“Once friction emerged between Saudi Arabia and the UAE, we decided to stand with Riyadh, since they were the first to intervene in support of Yemen in 2015.”

 

Sobaihi confirmed that his colleagues in the forces are now loyal to the PLC and to Saudi Arabia. He expressed hope that Yemen’s situation would improve, particularly if Saudi Arabia succeeds in unifying the various military groups under a single command.

 

“Military forces in PLC-controlled areas have long been divided under different leaderships, but the Saudis are now working to bring everyone under the Ministry of Defence. That would be a major step toward a unified army,” Sobaihi said.

 

At present, these forces remain fragmented, and their pay varies significantly.

 

While some receive salaries in Saudi riyals (SAR), others, like Sobaihi, are paid in Yemeni rials (YER) at a much lower rate.

 

“Standardising pay across all forces will be vital for the unity of the military,” he added.

 

The business of loyalty

The shift is most visible in the National Resistance Forces along the west coast.

 

Formerly a UAE-backed group, the forces received their salaries from Saudi Arabia in January for the first time.

 

“We are always with Saudi Arabia, especially after seeing their generosity this month,” said Ameen Rashed, a 38-year-old NRF fighter. “We feared our salaries would stop after the UAE left, but we were surprised to find the Saudis covering our wages.”

 

The Saudi support was not limited to the military. Riyadh also funded January salaries for public servants across PLC-controlled areas and took over the financing of humanitarian projects, including hospitals, that the UAE abruptly abandoned when it withdrew from Yemen.

 

Saudi Arabia’s financial diplomacy has eased the transition, prompting even formerly pro-STC voices to change their stance.

 

Saleh al-Obaidi, a journalist once known for his fierce support of the UAE and criticism of Riyadh, recently appeared in the Saudi capital to endorse their efforts.

 

This pivot has drawn sharp criticism from STC hardliners like Salah Bin Laghber, who posted on Facebook: “It is clear that the STC’s media wing was a group of opportunists willing to sell themselves, the cause, and the blood of the martyrs.”

 

Seasoned Yemeni journalist Mohammed Ali observed that the war has left Yemen’s institutions in ruins, preventing the government from paying salaries or providing basic services. As a result, he said, the population’s support has shifted toward international donors.

 

“The country that provides basic services and pays public servants’ salaries in Yemen will inevitably earn the backing of the population,” Ali told MEE. “That loyalty once lay with the UAE; now it lies with Saudi Arabia. If another country steps in to cover salaries, that support will shift again.”

 

Ali added that it is difficult to speak of “genuine loyalty” in the current context, since true allegiance implies supporting a cause or a country without expecting personal gain. Instead, he sees a military whose fidelity is bought and sold.

 

“I hope I am wrong, but when military forces shift their allegiance as we have seen, it is no longer loyalty - it is mercenary work,” Ali said.

 

While expressing gratitude for Saudi Arabia’s immediate support, he stressed that his stance is not anti-Saudi. Rather, he hopes for a long-term solution that moves beyond foreign aid.

 

“I hope Saudi Arabia will help the Yemeni government resume fuel production and exports. Yemen needs to rely on its own resources instead of waiting for external support,” he said.